Category Archives: Assignment 4

A4: Humanitarian Issues in Ethiopia

The humanitarian aid issue revolving around Ethiopia is not only complex but requires large amounts of monetary and political adjustment in order to correct the large issues it currently faces. Ethiopia since 1991 has seen a large growth in its private business sector, credibility as professional media associations, and academic freedom. However, despite this, the amount of local NGO’s dedicated toward improving the issues of extreme poverty, child malnutrition, and various other proponents of a developing nation is not in place. From The World Bank in Ethiopia it reported that out of the 310 NGO’s officially registered with the government, only 120 were locally run and operated by Ethiopians (CS.PDF). The figures provided highlight much of what we have gone over in class in regards to the humanitarian imperative, although there are a large number of organizations in place in Ethiopia, in relation to its surrounding nations, there is a divide between whether they are receiving proper aid or simply making matters worse.

In my research on NGO’s operating within Ethiopia, specifically catered towards child malnutrition, I came across the organization Concern. The Concern Group is an NGO located in the United Kingdom that serves across three continents providing aid for not only malnourished children but also HIV/AIDS, education programs, and emergency relief. When delving into their efforts to attempt to end child malnourishment in Ethiopia, roughly 48% of children in Ethiopia suffer from malnourishment, I was astounded to see how accurate the humanitarian aid imperative was. Directly from the Concern website on efforts within Ethiopia to improve malnourishment rates they state, “We do this by informing mothers about better feeding practices and ways to help children recover more quickly from illness. We train communities in seven essential subjects including breastfeeding and when to introduce solid foods” (Concern). I found this to be rather baffling in regards to how I thought they could actually cause an impact within such a desperate community. Although education and informing mothers for generations to come does cause a ripple effect, if these women and families do not have the proper access to healthy foods nor the means to even purchase them due to extreme poverty leads me to find Concerns “humanitarian aid” to fall directly under the rationalization of an imperative. Despite this, NGO’s within Ethiopia have recently developed a,”shift in emphasis from relief to long-term development on the part of NGOs has increased their relevance and, significantly, acceptance by the government” (CSPDF). Through political empowerment and government support hopefully, it can one day cause a large shift in the humanitarian aid system within Ethiopia.

One of the main issues surrounding extreme poverty, and subsequently the humanitarian aid effort, in Ethiopia, relies on the coffee trade. For countless years Ethiopia has been a global provider of some of the best coffee beans the world has seen with each different regional and elevational change giving a different and distinct flavor to each farmer’s beans. Prior to 1989 the United States, along with several other nations, were apart of the International Coffee Agreement which set a fixed price for the average kilo of coffee beans being exported out of any producing nation. This gave the Ethiopian coffee farmers enough money to supply food for their children and even send them to some form of education. However, in 1989 the United States along with Britain pulled out of the agreement causing the price per kilo of coffee beans to almost be cut in half. These farmers could no longer afford to provide enough food for their families nor even send a single child to primary school. In the documentary, Black Gold which I have linked below, the hardships and brutal truth of the coffee trade after the price drops are depicted. Following this, Tadesse Maskela, an Ethiopian native who represents a cooperative which fights for even prices for his farmers coffee outlines the major issues surrounding the coffee trade and its efforts against poor nations like Ethiopia. In 2002 during the World Trade Organization talks the African nations were vastly outnumbered by the number of delegates causing them to be largely outnumbered and unheard in stating their opinions of trade policy. The talks ended in the African nations refusing to negotiate due to the policies set forth which promoted the larger wealthier nations economies and demoted those like Ethiopia. In the documentary is stated a simple rise of 1% in Ethiopia’s GDP would create enough wealth to fund the amount of humanitarian aid needed every year five times over again.

To conclude this lengthy and technical post I’d like to note that Ethiopia is on track to becoming an independent and strong nation. However, through humanitarian aid not catered towards the actual needs of the people and a global economy set forth on the principles of neoliberalism and self-promotion that have caused African countries to be the only in the world who have seen a decline in GDP growth then there is still a long way to go.

Black Gold Trailer:

http://https://www.youtube.com/watch?reload=9&v=uiWDjObe_fs

Works Cited:

“Https://Www.concern.org.uk/About.” Concern Worldwide, www.concern.org.uk/about.

Class Lecture: Humanitarian Aid/ Neoliberalism

“Fighting Malnutrition in Ethiopia.” Concern Worldwide, www.concern.org.uk/news-blogs/concern-blog/fighting-malnutrition-ethiopia.

Francis, Marc, and Nick Francis. Black Gold. London, Eng: Fulcrum Productions, 2006.

World Banks Ethiopian Snapshot (CSPDF) (can’t cite a pdf, here’s link):

http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTRANETSOCIALDEVELOPMENT/873204-1111663470099/20489508/CSandDevEthiopiaSnapshotView.pdf

 

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Humanitarian response report

Humanitarian response report

Prompt
For this assignment you are to choose one of the humanitarian crises around the globe and report how the humanitarian sector is responding to the needs of the affected communities. To the extent possible try to go beyond mere description of the crisis and transition to analysis using some of the insights you have learned from our texts and class discussions.  
Your humanitarian response report should address at least the following questions:

  • What is the history of the situation?  
  • What precipitated the crisis?
  • What is the current state of this humanitarian crisis?
  • How can you describe the need in the affected communities and the response in numbers?
  • What governments are involved?
  • How has the US press/media covered this story?  How has the global press covered the story?
  • What major INGO’s are responding?
  • What CBOs, local religious groups, and governments are responding?
  • How are major needs identified and responses coordinated?
  • How are safety issues managed at refugee camps and/or distribution points, clinics, and other venues where the affected community interact with aid workers, especially regarding proactive policies and procedures dealing with SEA/GBV?
  • To what degree are needs being met?
  • Who makes up the staff implementing the humanitarian response?

Rubric:

  • Due by class meeting time, Monday, February 25.
  • Late posts will be downgraded at least one letter grade.
  • Comments to at least three colleague’s posts by February 26th by 10:00PM EST.
  • At least four citations: at least one from text and/or other assigned reading, at least two from outside academic sources, and one citation of class lecture/discussion.  Note:  you are to read/watch/listen to all of the material in the hyperlinks in the parent post above; your contact with the material should be apparent in your post.  Reference class lecture/discussion is this form (SOC371:3-27i.e., course number and date.
  • List references at the bottom of the page (MLA format).
  • At least one photo and/or video link appropriate to and enhancing the content of your post.
  • Minimum 0f 700 words (excluding references).
  • Grade will be based on quality and quantity of response to the post prompt including adherence to the above benchmarks.
  • Keep in mind that you are writing for a broad audience that is educated and interested in this topic; infuse your post with the sociology you are learning/have learned in a non-jargonistic manner

As a shorthand for the longer, more detailed grading rubric above this SOC summary may be useful.

  • S = demonstration of understanding and application of sociological concepts, theories, etc. germane to the topic, especially those taking about in the text and in class
  • O = organization and structure overall; flow of ideas, appropriate and contextualized use of images and videos, proper documentation of sources
  • C = analytical creativity; going beyond obvious restatement or simple examples and pushing boundaries of thought and perspective; finding outside academic sources beyond the obvious

Please check Assignments/Assignment 4 before you Publish.

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Assignment 4

Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria

One of the biggest issues facing Nigeria during this conflict is humanitarian access constraints across the northeast. Due to the nature of this conflict, humanitarian aid organizations have had trouble providing the necessary care required to help the affected communities. This has been an ongoing challenge despite a significant change in conflict dynamics. The conflict shifted from organized, large-scale attacks characterized by prolonged armed clashes to more sporadic attacks such as suicide bombings. This shift is directly linked to Boko Haram’s significant loss of ground in 2016. It has limited the humanitarian operational space across the northeast while also limiting those in need from accessing vital services. This is such a layered issue, in fact, this is all happening in conjunction with internal displacement and the “return movement” straining resources. In addition, key infrastructure such as health, education, and livelihood facilities remain significantly damaged from the ongoing conflict. The shift in conflict dynamics is likely to remain and continue to limit the access and create food insecurity and health issues.

 

Crisis drivers:

  • Increased sporadic attacks: The nature of sporadic attacks leads to prolonged restricted access because aid organizations have no way of knowing when or how to access the vulnerable populations, or who they even are. In addition, sporadic attacks (like suicide bombings) make it almost impossible to stay neutral and safe.
  • Returnees and IDPs: High numbers of IDPs and the steady flow of returnees continue to strain resources
  • Damaged infrastructure: caused by ongoing conflict has compounded needs across sectors including health, education, livelihoods, and food security.

 

There was a shift in conflict dynamics when the Nigerian government prematurely announced the defeat of Boko Haram (BH), with an increase of suicide bombings and IED attacks by the armed group. Despite the claimed victory, the number of security incidents has stayed at the same level seen in 2016, but with a shift away from organized, large-scale attacks.  The two most notable conventional attacks occurred in September in Bama and Logumani where BH launched significant forces at government force outposts. This can be seen as an indicator of BH’s ongoing military capacity in the northeast (although it may be limited). BH has significantly increased the number of suicide
bombings that have used children and infants to carry out the attacks compared to the past three years. This is an indicator that as BH moves more toward improvised tactics as they are becoming increasingly indiscriminate,
raising further protection concerns.

This shift in tactics continues to restrict humanitarian access across the northeast, especially in Borno state,
limiting aid workers from reaching those in need and also preventing those populations from accessing vital
services such as health facilities. Humanitarian access outside of Local Government Area HQs is still very limited by the security situation and therefore people living in more rural communities are often unreachable. The number of returnees from Cameroon, Niger, and Chad is low but steadily exacerbating the humanitarian crisis in the northeast with the capacities of both host communities and humanitarian response becoming strained. The returnee influx has been associated with pull factors regarding the perceived improvement in the
security situation.

The number of IDPs across the northeast has seen a slight decline this year as individuals return to their place of origin. However, over 1.7 million people remain displaced and the majority of IDPs are located within
Borno state in areas with limited humanitarian access.

This crisis is so layered that it’s hard to even keep up with all the facets of cultural life that is being destroyed due to this conflict. The conflict in the northeast has significantly damaged key infrastructure, particularly education
and health facilities. Despite ongoing repairs to these facilities, there is still a significant gap between capacity
and need. Essentially, the conflict is exacerbating itself at this point! Furthermore, attacks on health facilities continue to compound the issue because neither the affected community nor health officials want to be in a targeted area (which is sad because health facilities are supposed to be a neutral space). Disease outbreaks this year, notably hepatitis E and cholera, have been exacerbated by this exact issue.

Overall,  the conflict has had a significant impact on food security in the northeast, limiting production and also food
availability in local markets. The main concerns now are 1) humanitarian aid workers somehow getting access to the vulnerable populations, and 2) getting basic necessities like FOOD and MEDICINE to the affected community.

Unfortunately, the local NGO’s who actually do have access to the affected populations are mostly corrupt and preying on the vulnerabilities of those in need. Thousands of human rights violations by fake local NGO’s have been reported in the last year.

 

This crisis is ongoing and very likely to be ongoing for many years as the conflict has only sped up with time.

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The Crisis in Syria

For this blog post we were asked to select a humanitarian crisis around the globe. We were asked to describe how the situation began, what the current state of the crisis looks like, the direct effects on the community, and the humanitarian response among other things. Having a vague understanding of the crisis, but being old enough to remember when it began, I selected Syria. To say that the situation in Syria is dire, would be an understatement. While I continue to be shocked by the atrocities that have occured and continue to occur in Syria, I believe that it is necessary that we don’t look away. Regardless if we can make a direct impact, I believe it is our duty as human beings to know what is happening to our fellow human beings in Syria.

While the current state and players involved in the Syrian crisis are complex and convoluted, I will do my best to explain the situation. In Tunisia, during December of 2010, protests erupted as a response to the self-immolation of Mohammed Bouazizi. This event is often referred to as the spark of the “Arab Spring.” Soon after, anti-government protests appeared across the region in Oman, Yemen, Egypt, Syria, and Morocco. In Syria, these protests began in March of 2011, in the city of Deraa. The Syrian Government responded with force, and protestors soon called for the resignation of President Bashar al-Assad. As the violence continued, a civil war broke out. The conflict has continued for eight years and shows no signs of stopping any time soon.

So, who is involved? There are many players in the Syrian war, so bare with me while I attempt to explain this in the clearest of terms. The Syrian Government has received direct support from Russia, Iran, and Hezbollah (an Islamic Militant group with ties to Lebanon). The rebels have received varying levels of support from Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and the United States. The United States, the United Kingdom, and France have claimed to support “moderate” rebel groups. Additionally, the U.S. has conducted airstrikes on Syria to target ISIS fighters. The U.S. has also aided the Kurds in helping to form an alliance between the Kurdish and Arab militias known as the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). While Turkey currently supports the rebels, they have accused the Kurdish militia of being an extension of a banned group in Turkey, further complicating matters. Saudi Arabia has provided weapons and money to the Syrian rebels as a way to counter Iran’s influence. Furthermore, Israel has also conducted hundreds of air strikes on Syria to combat the influence of Iran and Hezbollah.

Clearly, there are many different countries with many different agendas and intentions at play in Syria. The total population of Syria before the war was around 21 million. Today, the population hovers just above 18 million, with 13 million in need of aid. While the exact death toll is unknown, it is estimated that more than 500,000 people are dead or missing. Additionally, approximately 6.2 million civilians have been internally displaced, while 5.7 million refugees have relocated to Turkey, Jordan, Iraq, Egypt, and North Africa. Fighting has left much of Syria destroyed. In fact, Syria’s largest city, Aleppo, with a population of approximately 1.754 million people, has been completely reduced to rubble. Many civilians have fled to desert areas to escape violence. Unfortunately, while there, these people have experienced further hardships including severe weather and starvation. Marwa Awad, Communications Officer for the World Food Programme in Syria, writes of the hardships in her article “I witnessed the purgatory of people trapped in Syria’s Rukban camp.” She explains that she attended Rukban, a remote location in Syria, to distribute food with the World Food Programme, the food assistance branch of the United Nations (UN), and the Syrian Arab Red Crescent. She explained that other UN agencies have been delivering shelter, medical supplies, and sanitary supplies to a population very much in need. Unfortunately, locations like Rukban are extremely hard to reach, complicating the delivery of aid.  Even worse is that the violence has made the country so unsafe, that aid delivery is often postponed to keep aid workers safe.

But what about the monetary aid? According to Annie Sparrow, author of the article “How UN Humanitarian Aid Has Propped Up Assad: Syria Shows the Need for Reform,”   “UN agencies such as the World Health Organization (WHO) have permitted the Assad regime to take control of the $30 billion international humanitarian response.” What this means is that the aid allocated to Syria is being used by it’s current president to pay for the government’s war spending, as well as to skirt sanctions. Ironically, this aid comes from the same Western/Global North governments that imposed the sanctions in the first place.

Clearly, the crisis in Syria has taken its toll on its citizens and the country. The number of parties involved demonstrate the complex nature of global alliances. Additionally, aid is more critical than ever as fighting continues and shows no signs of slowing. Unfortunately, the situation has become so dangerous, that delivering aid is no easy feat. So, what is our role? Do we have a duty to help? A humanitarian imperative? It’s hard to say. Of course, every fiber of my being is screaming at me to help in whatever way I can. I cannot understand what it must be like to know that you can never go home. For many, home is simply a memory buried in a pile of rubble.

 

Works Cited

  • Awad, M. (2019, February 20). I witnessed the purgatory of people trapped in Syria’s Rukban camp | Marwa Awad. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2019/feb/20/plight-children-rukban-heartbreaking-syria
  • Humanitarian Overview an Analysis of Key Crises into 2018. www.acaps.org/sites/acaps/files/products/files/acaps_humanitarian_overview_analysis_of_key_crises_into_2018.pdf.
  • Middle East :: Syria — The World Factbook – Central Intelligence Agency. (n.d.). Retrieved February 27, 2019, from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/resources/the-world-factbook/geos/sy.html
  • Shaheen, K. (2018, March 8). Syria aid deliveries halted amid reports of chemical attacks. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/mar/08/ghouta-syria-aid-convoy-postponed-chemical-attack
  • Sparrow, A. (2018, September 20). How un humanitarian aid has propped up assad. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/syria/2018-09-20/how-un-humanitarian-aid-has-propped-assad
  • Why is there a war in Syria? (2019, February 25). Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-35806229

 

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Humanitarian Crisis: Cox’s Bazar

 
Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh has become the largest refugee communities in the world as of February 2019 to over 900,000 Rohingya people who have fled their home country, Myanmar due to violence.

 

The History

Myanmar is a predominantly Buddhist country located in Burma with almost 90% of its inhabitants practicing Buddhism as of 2017. The Rohingya represent the largest group of Muslim people within the country (only approx. 1 million Muslims total in comparison to the approx. total population of 54 million in Myanmar). There has been tension between the groups for decades since at least 1948 after Myanmar gained independence from Britain. It is reported that a Muslim rebellion began in the Rakhine state as Muslims wanted a degree of self-governance with equal rights, but ultimately they were defeated. They haven’t been considered residents of Myanmar since the citizenship law was passed in 1982, which recognized 135 ethnic groups within the country, the Rohingya not being one. That rendered them stateless and they were denied citizenship, the right to vote and basic human rights, including education and health care (Hunt).
The conflict erupted in October 2016when a Rohingya insurgent group of around 300 men, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), is reported to have attacked border posts and kill 9 police offers. Retaliation led to around 87,000 Rohingya people fleeing to neighboring Bangladesh. Another attack on August 2017 reported that the ARSA targeted over 20 police outposts and killed 12 security officers (Hunt). The military retaliated on the Rohingya people as a whole and survivors recount the burning of their villages, their families being separated, murders (even “house by house” killings), torture, and the rape and gang rape of women and girls (Myanmar Rohingya). The military’s response has been what the UN considers an example of “ethnic cleansing” (Wong).

 

I do want to note that Myanmar denounces the accusations of genocidal behavior, some highlighting that they are the victims of violence by the Rohingya. Most are reported to be unsympathetic to the plights of the Rohingya and many have taken to calling them “Bengali” as a slur highlighting that they are immigrants and not native to Myanmar’s lands (Hunt).

 

The Crisis

“The crimes we have heard echo those committed in Rwanda and Srebrenica some twenty years ago. The Security Council acted in those two situations. It acted too late to prevent them which is all to our lasting shame but it did act to ensure accountability,” British U.N. Ambassador Karen Pierce told the council (Nichols).
From the over 700,000 Rohingya people in Cox’s Bazar during 2018 and now over 900,000 in 2019, the humanitarian crisis is hard to combat due to the vast number of people and scarce resources. The Inter-Sector Coordination Group (ISCG), who are under the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR – United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) report in their 2018 Join Business Plan that their key needs include:
  • access to safe, clean water (16 million liters needed daily)
    • diphtheria and measles outbreaks have occurred and there is increased risk of acute watery diarrhea
    • contamination from fecal matter is also a concern
  • waste management
  • food (malnutrition at acute emergency levels)
  • physical care (particularly obstetric)
  • education (5,000 classrooms needed)
  • decongestion and relocation
  • access roads
  • agriculture and reforestation
    • access to cooking fuel can help combat the overuse of firewood resulting in environmental degradation (JRP For Rohingya)

Assistance with psychological trauma and subsequent distress is necessary as well. The camps in Cox’s Bazar are also in vulnerable areas where they’re potentially exposed to monsoons, landslides and flash floods. Early rains can also increase the risk of disease outbreaks. The areas being densely populated puts them in further danger of cyclones, rain and fires as well. The UNHCR has reported that $950.8 million is needed for relief efforts (Bangladesh).

Outside Countries Involvement

This crisis has definitely been covered globally with most calling for change. As of April 2018, the U.S., France and the U.K. were major nations that condemned the actions of the Myanmar government and pledged aid assistance to Bangladesh. The U.S., in particular, imposed economic sanctions in August 2018 on the Myanmar security forces. China is one major nation that is behind Myanmar (which many speculate is due to their economic interest within the country) and they’ve regarded the actions of the Myanmar government as an effort to “maintain domestic stability”. China and Russia have even attempted to protect Myanmar from sanctions from the United Nations Security Council in October 2018 (Nichols).

 

Aid Needed and Received

The aforementioned 2018 Join Business Plan prepared by ISCG details their aid efforts in subsections, highlighting participating organizations and funding requirements beginning on page 83 (JRP For Rohingya). The major categories include:
  • Food Security
  • Health
  • Shelter and Non-Food Items
  • Site Management
  • Water, Sanitation and Hygiene
  • Protection
  • Education
  • Nutrition
Two of the most recognized INGO organization assisting in various areas are the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) and Action Against Hunger (AAH). The ISCG has established coordination hubs where response workers can meet regularly and collectively decide on humanitarian efforts. Assessment procedures are currently in place to identify major needs and account for the distribution of resources, including population monitoring (this is the first time many Rohingya have even received legal documentation), food security surveillance, landslide and flood risk mapping, education and child protection assessment and more. Response efforts are currently in place to target all 8 categories outlined above.
BRAC in particular, who has worked in Cox’s Bazar for 35 years, is cited as the number 1 NGO in the world by NGO Advisor. They published a detailed newsletter of their efforts in November 2018. Key achievements highlighted are noted below:
AAH identifies immediate priorities in Cox’s Bazar as well and their efforts have included daily distributions of food and water, emergency health care for malnutrition, waterborne disease prevention and improving sanitation, and mental health “first aid” (Rohingya Refugee Crisis).
Medecins Sans Frontieres, also Doctors Without Borders, is another organization, not mentioned in the Joint Response Plan, but who have humanitarian aid assistance in Cox’s Bazar. They have provided 1 million consultations as of February 2019, including treatment for acute watery diarrhea, diphtheria, antenatal and postnatal care, measles and mental health. Their site makes mention of the circumstance in Cox’s Bazar shifting from an “an emergency situation to a protracted crisis” (The 5 Things). A lot of treatment was initially for injuries suffered in Myanmar and basic healthcare, now injuries are more caused by accidental incidents. Yet, unfortunately, sexual gender-based crimes are still occurring.

 

Are Needs Being Met?

The population in Cox’s Bazar refugee camps and the region where they reside make aid efforts difficult, but the reports I’ve encountered show support from many organizations in all highlighted vulnerable areas. Access makes receiving, storing and distributing aid a challenge, but there are dozens of aid groups working to not only assist with emergent and immediate needs but also work toward establishing sufficient systems that can be used long-term, including schools, medical facilities, secure shelters, agricultural support, wells and water distribution services, waste management services, etc. Efforts are being made for relocation for families in the most vulnerable areas as well to avoid potential natural disasters. From what I’ve researched, the emergency and basic needs of food, water, shelter are of course being given priority and many accomplishments have been made since the 2017 exodus began, but conditions are not adequate and safe for all families. There are strides being made to improve upon the circumstances and create preventative measures by aid organizations working together to assess the most vulnerable areas of the community and track resource allocation. It may sound weird, but to implement effective distribution services there needs to be a track of what families reside in the community and the resources given to them. Particularly at this time when the amount of aid resources isn’t sufficient to care for everyone in Cox’s Bazar at once. This reminded me of our class discussion last week where I mentioned that questionnaires, which are used to determine who gets help first and how much, make me uncomfortable and sad because it is a way of quantifying people’s pain and who are we to do that? But, when resources are limited and fair distribution cannot be guaranteed, how can we not? I do appreciate that efforts to minimize dependency are being made in Cox’s Bazar by teaching the Rohingya agriculture skills and promoting education. I think this is a great way to work toward self-sufficiency, but I just wish in the meantime we could avoid these parameters that give levels to people’s suffering, however, I think that may be impossible with circumstances like these.

 


Works Cited

Bangladesh. UNHCR The UN Refugee Agency Operational Update. Jan 2019. https://data2.unhcr.org/en/documents/download/67736. Accessed 25 Feb 2019.
Humanitarian Crisis Management Programme: Bangladesh Cox’s Bazar. BRAC. 20 Nov 2018. https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/HCMP-monthly-update-_-20-November-2018_optimized.pdf. Accessed 25 Feb 2019.
Hunt, Katie. “Rohingya Crisis: How We Got Here.” CNN. 12 Nov 2017. https://www.cnn.com/2017/11/12/asia/rohingya-crisis-timeline/index.html. Accessed 25 Feb 2019.
Hunt, Katie. “Rohingya Crisis: ‘It’s Not Genocide,’ Say Myanmar’s Hardline Monks.” CNN. 25 Nov 2017. https://www.cnn.com/2017/11/25/asia/myanmar-buddhist-nationalism-mabatha/index.html. Accessed 25 Feb 2019.
JRP For Rohingya Humanitarian Crisis. OCHA United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. 2018. https://www.unocha.org/sites/unocha/files/JRP%20for%20Rohingya%20Humanitarian%20Crisis%202018.PDF. Accessed 25 Feb 2019.
“Myanmar Rohingya: What You Need to Know About The Crisis.” BBC News. 24 April 2018. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-41566561. Accessed 25 Feb 2019.
Nichols, Michelle. “China Fails to Stop U.N. Security Council Myanmar Briefing.” Reutershttps://www.reuters.com/article/us-myanmar-rohingya-un/china-fails-to-stop-un-security-council-myanmar-briefing-idUSKCN1MY2QU. Accessed 25 Feb 2019.
“Rohingya Refugee Crisis in Bangladesh.” Action Against Hunger. 2 Oct 2017. https://www.actionagainsthunger.org/story/rohingya-refugee-crisis-bangladesh. Accessed 25 Feb 2019.
“The 5 Things We’ve Found After One Million Consultations in Cox’s Bazar.” Medecins Sans Frontieres. 5 Feb 2019. https://www.msf.org/weve-provided-one-million-consultations-coxs-bazar-5-things-weve-found-bangladesh-rohingya. Accessed 25 Feb 2019.
Wong, Edward. “U.S. Imposes Sanctions on Myanmar Military Over Rohingya Atrocities.” The New York Timeshttps://www.nytimes.com/2018/08/17/us/politics/myanmar-sanctions-rohingya.html.  Accessed 25 Feb 2019.
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Assignment 4

Honduras lies in the heart of the “Northern Triangle”, bordered by El Salvador and Guatemala. Rocio Cara Labrador, a writer for the Council on Foreign Relations, explains that these countries, “were rocked by civil wars in the 1980s, leaving a legacy of violence and fragile institutions. The region remains menaced by corruption, drug trafficking, and gang violence despite tough police and judicial reforms.” The current humanitarian crisis in Honduras is a direct product of its weak political system. Although unstable since the 1980s it was the 2009 constitutional crisis which completely dismantled any sense of structure left in the country. An attempt to change the Honduran constitution, led by President Mandela Zelaya, culminated in his removal from office and exile to Costa Rica. The coup d’état was carried out by the Honduran military on orders from their supreme court. The United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union, and the Obama Administration condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup and all ambassadors left the country. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.

Hundreds of protests followed the coup and the country was left without leadership. Any ambassadors or other foreign officials unable to flee were detained and beaten by Honduran troops. All those associated with Zelaya (politically or otherwise) were also taken into custody. In January of 2014, Juan Orlando Hernandez assumes the role as the next national president. This new leadership caused hundreds more riots and protests by the Honduran public. These demonstrations led at to increased police involvement (from an incredibly corrupt national department) and military violence soon became the most terrifying threat for the country. Prisons became vastly overcrowded, and administration lacked the resources to properly provide for inmates. In response to this brutality, organized crime escalated. Some of the most notorious groups (including Mara Salvatrucha and the Mara Dieciocho gangs) came to truce agreements, in attempts to reorient their efforts.

As the situation worsened and a humanitarian crisis comparable to that of Syria developed on top of political turmoil, foreign involvement weakened. Honduras was growing to become one of the most dangerous countries in the world, and it was in the immediate interest of aid organizations and political affiliates to make sure their assets were safely out of harms way. Peace Corps had 150 volunteers placed in the country, all of which were removed. USAID continued to provide monetary assistance, other organizations including the World Bank suspended foreign aid. Many countries blocked travel to/from Honduras, and as terror rose within its borders, people began to flee.

The Honduran supreme court then called for a “media blackout” blinding the outside world from what was happening within the countries borders. Anyone left inside, especially reporters were put at extreme risk. “At least 62 journalists have been killed in the country between 2006 and 2017, according to data from the Commission for Investigation of Attacks on Journalists of the Latin American Federation of Journalists.”

The current state of Honduras is weak, and their history of unrest has caused the recent “Caravan Crisis”. Fleeing persecution, poverty, and violence thousands of migrants traveled to Mexico from the Northern Triangle. With open intentions of seeking refuge in America, the “caravan” reached the US-Mexico border late last fall. President Donald Trump has labeled the migration as an “invasion” and tweeted dozens of times about his distrust and dislike for the people of Central America.

There is a long history of U.S. interventionism and involvement in Honduras. Marysol Fernandez, writer for The Brown Daily Herald, states that “More recently, Honduras has become one of the United States’ strongest allies in Central America, especially in the face of left-wing successes in neighboring countries like Guatemala and El Salvador.” Yet in light of the migrant crisis, Trump has first blamed and now threatened the Honduran Government with tweets such as, “The United States has strongly informed the President of Honduras that if the large Caravan of people heading to the U.S. is not stopped and brought back to Honduras, no more money or aid will be given to Honduras, effectively immediately!”

There have been two clusters of responses to this, both in agreement that the Trump administration has contributed to situation in Honduras. The Center for Immigration Studies released a statement saying that, “In the Northern Triangle we have proposed to work together with the United States and Mexico in the Alliance for Prosperity Plan to create the necessary conditions in the countries so that these people do not make the decision to [emigrate] to the United States.” Rights activist, Dunia Montya claims that, “the Trump government validated an illegitimate Honduran government, and is therefore partially responsible.” Some people believe that the US has no right to remove aid or refuse refugees because of their history with the country. Others believe that by removing US involvement, Honduras will be better able to grow- blaming the United States influence for many of the structural issues.

After the removal of most other political associates, international help has not been quick to return. Because they are not at arms internationally, Honduras has maintained very docile relationships with other countries. No one seems interested in coming to help, thus prompting the citizens to flee. El Salvador has maintained normal trade relations and is seen by many as a co-nation to Honduras. Guatemala has similarly maintained trade relations but is more often expected to cause border tension. The biggest threats to Honduras are not their neighbors but rather their own short-comings.

Human Rights World Report explain, “Efforts to reform the institutions responsible for providing public security have made little progress. Marred by corruption and abuse, the judiciary and police remain largely ineffective. Impunity for crime and human rights abuses is the norm.” Gang violence, drug wars and extortion remain commonplace and the country is notorious for having the world’s highest murder rate per capita. “Extortion is also rampant. A 2015 investigation by Honduran newspaper La Prensa found that Salvadorans and Hondurans pay an estimated $390 million, $200 million, and $61 million, respectively, in annual extortion fees to organized crime groups.” So, the question must be asked, where is the greatest need and how can it be provided?

A refugee crisis is defined as “large groups of displaced people, who are afraid or unable to return to their homeland. With the implication that a group of individuals is subject to persecution, war and/or systemic violence.” So, when considering where to provide aid, one should first determine the specific reasons that refugees became such. The Borgen Project, is a nonprofit organization addressing world poverty and hunger, with a specific interest in the Honduras crisis. Their research teams concluded that the best way to disrupt the degenerate structures ruling Honduras, include targeting youth so as to make a generational difference. They recommend doing so through food service, and education and literacy programs.

“One method for how to help Honduras is by donating and/or serving with Food for the Poor (FFP), an international relief and development organization based in the United States.

Another option, standing for Health, Education and Literacy Program, HELP Honduras works to supply students with uniforms, books and school supplies in order to support their education and keep withdrawal rates down.”

There aren’t many actual INGO’s working in the triangle (largely due to the degree of violence as mentioned above). Humanitarian groups (religious, local, etc.) that are involved include:

  • Bay Island Conservation Association
  • Guaruma
  • Bilingual Education for C.A.
  • Honduras Children
  • Helping Honduras Kids
  • Pier Roatan
  • Utila Community Clinic
  • Un Mundo
  • El Techo Para Mi Pais

 

Unforunately without more funding, the Honduras crisis can be expected to continue. Their issues are deep rooted and it will be difficult -if even possible- to break through the corruption. The migrant caravan has been labeled a “threat” by President Trump and will likely lead to history-making American involvement, as we decide how to move forward. I think it will be imperative to continue researching the problems within the country, to help avoid future mass migrations, and strengthen the Honduran political system to some level of stability. The attached video provides a similar narrative to that above concerning the US response to the migrant caravan. It includes footage of the refugees as well as statements from the President. Although a democratic press release, I think it’s important to have some images to associate with the story.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cnbJT15SVNQ

Baker-Jordan @skylarjordan, Skylar. “The Migrant Caravan in the US’s Fault – Trump Has to Let Them In.” The Independent, Independent Digital News and Media, 26 Oct. 2018, www.independent.co.uk/voices/trump-migrant-caravan-where-mexico-honduras-guatemala-central-america-a8597741.html.

Borgen , Clint. “About Us.” The Borgen Project, 2019, borgenproject.org/about-us/.

Cabera, Jorge. “World Report 2018: Rights Trends in Honduras.” Human Rights Watch, Reuters, 18 Jan. 2018, www.hrw.org/world-report/2018/country-chapters/honduras.

Cuffe, Sandra. “Migrant Caravan Activists: Trump to Blame for Honduras Situation.” GCC News | Al Jazeera, Al Jazeera, 16 Oct. 2018, www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/10/migrant-caravan-activists-trump-blame-honduras-situation-181016213544549.html.

Fernandez, Marysol. “Fernández ’21: America’s Role in Honduras’ Democratic Crisis.” Brown Daily Herald, 5 Dec. 2017, www.browndailyherald.com/2017/12/05/fernandez-21-americas-role-honduras-democratic-crisis/.

“How to Help Honduras and Keep Its Citizens Safe.” The Borgen Project, 19 Dec. 2017, borgenproject.org/how-to-help-honduras-and-keep-its-citizens-safe/.

Labrador, Rocio. “Central America’s Violent Northern Triangle.” Council on Foreign Relations, Council on Foreign Relations, 26 June 2018, www.cfr.org/backgrounder/central-americas-violent-northern-triangle.

Lind, Dara. “Trump’s Latest Tweets about the Migrant Caravan, Explained (and Debunked).” Vox.com, Vox Media, 18 Oct. 2018, www.vox.com/2018/10/18/17994508/migrant-caravan-honduras-trump-tweet.

Lunka , Kausha. “Honduras Responds to U.S.-Bound Caravan.” CIS.org, Center for Immigration Studies, 4 Apr. 2018, cis.org/Luna/Honduras-Responds-USBound-Caravan.

Nevins, Joseph. “How US Policy in Honduras Set the Stage for Today’s Migration.” The Conversation, The Conversation, 4 Jan. 2019, theconversation.com/how-us-policy-in-honduras-set-the-stage-for-todays-migration-65935.

Pike, John. “Military.” Texas Revolution, Global Security , 2018, www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/centam/sv-forrel.htm.

Staff. “Honduras Profile – Timeline.” BBC News, BBC, 16 May 2018, www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-18974519.

staff. “Honduras.” The NGO List, Weebly, 2018, www.thengolist.com/honduras.html.

Staff. “Migrant Caravan: What Is It and Why Does It Matter?” BBC News, BBC, 26 Nov. 2018, www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-45951782.

“World Report 2018: Rights Trends in Honduras.” Human Rights Watch, 18 Jan. 2018, www.hrw.org/world-report/2018/country-chapters/honduras.

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A4: Humanitarian Response Report

A4: Humanitarian Response Report

 

The history of the  humanitarian crisis within Iraq is focused on one of the largest cities in Iraq; Mosul. Mosul is currently under control of group known as the Islamic State (IS); killing many people within the borders of Iraq and Syria. Members of the Islamic State hold extreme religious beliefs and treat those who do not agree with them brutally. When IS first claiming land within Iraq, the Iraqi government retaliated by asking for help from countries such as the United Kingdom and the United States. With the U.S. and U.K. involved, the Iraqi army was able to claim much of their land back. However, with Mosul still under the rule of the IS.  This was not the first occasion that both the United States and the United Kingdom got involved within the Iraqi government. In 2003 both countries sought to get rid of the Iraqi leader, Saddam Hussein for treating his people poorly and being suspected of having access to dangerous weapons (“Guide: What’s Happening in Iraq? – CBBC Newsround.”). After this launched an eight year war, with the people of Iraq fighting for power. Conflict was unable to be restored based on disagreements on how the country should be run split by religion. The below video briefly describes what is being done with Iraq already, what the main needs are, and where to go forward.

The real question now is: where does this leave Iraq currently and why is there such a need for humanitarian aid within this country. Many years of intensive combat on the Iraqi people has resulted in “Of the almost 6 million people displaced since the rise of ISIL in 2014, some 2.6 million remain displaced at the beginning of 2018” (“About OCHA Iraq.”). For those who are still within the borders of Mosul and other places of concern within Iraq… According to the “Humanitarian overview: an analysis of key crises into 2018” the main concerns for those within Iraq are displacement, protection, and food security/livelihood (citation). In terms of numbers associated with the above concerns, “over 3 million people remain displaced throughout Iraq from con ict, many since 2014” (Humanitarian Overview an Analysis of Key Crises into 2018.) and “3.9 million people were in need of protection assistance in mid-2017” (Humanitarian Overview an Analysis of Key Crises into 2018. ).  Although the major militant operations was concluded at the end of 2017, there are still areas with IS report, making asymmetric attacks still a threat for those within Iraq.

In terms of media coverage of the Iraq war, the United States tended to take a pro-war side in their articles informing the general American population of what is happening across seas. The Global Policy Forum explored how the United States dealt with news on Iraq in a way that “During the war, most journalists were “embedded” with US military units, giving them a very one-sided picture of the conflict and ruling out even-handed reporting” (“Global Policy Forum.”).

The NGO Coordination Committee in Iraq is made up of 80 INGOs and 200 Iraqi NGOs (“Rising to the Humanitarian Challenge in Iraq.”). A major program which works with bases in Jordan, Oxfam, works to assist in situations including “the provision of emergency assistance to internally displaced people… the delivery of emergency medical supplies to hospitals and clinics in conflict areas, and conflict resolution between the Palestinian refugees and the Iraqi community” (“Rising to the Humanitarian Challenge in Iraq.”). However due to increased risk, Oxfam has not had staff within Iraq since 2003. However the main source of conflict for INGOs would be the decreased amount of funding for actually implementing the humanitarian aid. For example in 2005, INGOs were forced to either scale-down or close their operations due to lack of funding (“Rising to the Humanitarian Challenge in Iraq.”).

When understanding the situation we can look at the situation on a macroscale and see the implementation of the responsibility of the UN with the humanitarian aid crisis within Iraq (SOC371:2-18). In a study called “Rising to the Humanitarian Challenge in Iraq”, Oxfam recognizes the problems in Iraq, such as “eight million people [that] are in urgent need of emergency aid; that figure includes over two million who are displaced within the country, and more than two million refugees. Many more are living in poverty, without basic services, and increasingly threatened by disease and malnutrition” (“Rising to the Humanitarian Challenge in Iraq.”). It is then continued to observe how the United Nations can do more to assist these people in dire need for help. The article suggests that the UN is able to intensify their efforts to help those who are suffering, even if they cannot fix the overarching issue of violent problems within the country. Problems associated with the efforts of the UN involve being more concerned with the macro and organizational problems instead of focusing on perhaps the more crucial micro and daily issues faced by Iraqis.

 

References

“Guide: What’s Happening in Iraq? – CBBC Newsround.” BBC, BBC, 29 Nov. 2016, www.bbc.co.uk/newsround/27868389.

 

“About OCHA Iraq.” OCHA, 3 May 2018, www.unocha.org/iraq/about-ocha-iraq.

 

Humanitarian Overview an Analysis of Key Crises into 2018. www.acaps.org/sites/acaps/files/products/files/acaps_humanitarian_overview_analysis_of_key_crises_into_2018.pdf.

 

Paul, James. “Global Policy Forum.” Media Coverage of Iraq, www.globalpolicy.org/media-and-the-project-of-empire/media-coverage-of-iraq-8-40.html.

Rising to the Humanitarian Challenge in Iraq. www.oxfam.org.hk/content/98/content_3574sc.pdf

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Humanitarian Crisis in Palestine

Palestine has been dealing with a humanitarian crisis for many years now, with roadblocks and electricity issues being at the heart of the start of their issues. Due to these issues the Palestinian economy has had to heavily rely on external assistance to make it through. The two places that are suffering the most are the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Overall, the economy was receiving more than three hundred dollars for each of the 3.5 million Palestinians that are living in these areas in 2004, but they are still struggling and have seen less aid than promised be given (Shearer).

Due to the Geneva Conventions, Israel is responsible for the welfare of those under its control and the humanitarian assistance that is given to them. This has made the humanitarian assistance and crisis more complex for Palestine as well. Israel decided that it was necessary to impose many intense security measures in Palestine in order to fight against many suicide attacks that were targeted at the citizens. Some of the security measures included setting curfews and many roadblocks. There were also many closures that resulted around Palestine, and between this and these security measures, Palestine saw their economy collapse. In 2000 poverty was around 22%, and just three years later in increased to over 58%. A year later in 2004, “1,480,000 people, or 39% of the population, were receiving regular food aid from the WFP and the UN Relief Works Agency” (Shearer). Israel’s closure policies have continued to affect the Palestine people and have continued to have a great economic impact.

Today, there has continued to be restrictions that have been imposed by the Israeli government and tensions between Israeli Security and the Palestine citizens resulted in many deaths and injuries. There has been a major increase in protests in Palestine, which has resulted in this violence. Some of the restrictions have prohibited entry of any goods besides medical and food supplies and have banned the exit of all goods. “The long-standing blockade and ongoing electricity crisis are likely to continue affection access and provision of health and WASH Service” (Humanitarian Overview). The electricity situation in Gaza has continued to worsen and they are faced with many blackouts due to the loss of development gains and restrictions on movement of goods and people. Daily, the citizens are seeing regular blackouts of 12-17 hours which impacts delivery of services like health and water and sanitation (State of Palestine). Hospitals are currently running on generators and emergency fuel that is funded by humanitarian aid funds.

UNICEF has been a major contributor to offering humanitarian aid in Palestine. They have coordinated their humanitarian response with the Palestinian Authority. Two incentives that they lead are the “Education Cluster with Save the Children in Gaza and the Education in Emergencies Sector Working Group in the West Bank” (State of Palestine). UNICEF has largely focused on helping the children in Palestine and have contributed many pediatric medicines. They have tried to improve access to safe schools for the children and provided educational supplies. The other main focus in their humanitarian aid efforts are to help with the water and sewage systems in Palestine. They have been able to improve access to safe drinking water in many communities in Gaza and the West Bank. In 2017, “more than 32,685 people benefited from improved access to water as a result of UNICEF’s interventions” (State of Palestine). There have also been many smaller non-profits that have tried to offer aid and support the rights of the Palestine citizens.

Recently, President Trump cut more than $200 million in aid to Palestine. It has been stated that the previous funds will go to more high-priority projects (France-Presse). There have been very stressed relations between the United States administration and Palestine after Trump announced the decision to recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital. Clearly Palestine is still a very needy nation, which made me think about our class discussion and where the United States chooses to give aid. As we talked about, often our foreign aid doesn’t go to the neediest nations but instead those where we can get the most back from (SOC 376: 2/20). This seems like a similar situation, as the crisis has not improved in Palestine so they are still very much in need of aid.

 

Protest in Gaza

Works Cited:

France-Presse, Agence. “Donald Trump Cuts More than $200m in Aid to Palestinians.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 25 Aug. 2018.

“Humanitarian Overview: An Analysis of Key Crises into 2018”. ACAPS.

 Shearer, David. “The Humanitarian Crisis in the Occupied Palestinian Territory: An Overview.” HPN.

 SOC 376: “Being/Becoming a Global Citizen” (SOC 376: 2/20)

 “State of Palestine.” UNICEF, Dec. 2017.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Humanitarian Crisis in Venezuela

The fall in oil prices in 2014 has led to two major issues in Venezuela today, the economic decline and erosion of democratic institutions. Primarily, the fall in prices of oil has affected the delivery of common goods to the people. Additionally, in the past four years, Venezuela’s foreign currency reserves have been on a steady decline, which has made it nearly impossible for the import dependent country to obtain products, and for the government to process the debts incurred.  This inability to pay back debts to other countries such as the US, will soon lead to a diminished economy in Venezuela. Contributing to this downfall in the economy is the deflation of currency, the raise in prices of common goods, so high that obtaining them is nearly impossible for the citizens (Humanitarian Overview). Along with this economic despair, there is political turmoil going on.  About a year ago, there was an election of a Constituent Assembly, which in short has taken over the governmental assemblies, and is committed to try the citizens who took part in protests for treason. The president, Maduro, is using his power to “correct” the state, but in turn is creating more damage that is not being fixed. It has become more complicated for opposers of Maduro’s powerful regime to make an effort because they are experiencing a divide in their proposed solutions.  Some of these members wish to advocate a solution to better the current government, where others wish to put an end to the current government structure. It is clear that with different motives, it becomes more complicated to tackle an issue, and introduces a new category of issues, that diverts attention from the larger problem of over exercised power.

The economic and political issues in Venezuela have led to the increase in humanitarian needs, such as the need for food, health care, and nutrition assistance (Venezuela Regional Crisis).  The current unhealthy living situations and rise in violence in the area are two threatening factors which are forcing citizens to abandon their homes to nearby countries including Colombia, Brazil, Ecuador and Peru.  It is important to acknowledge that the influx of people in these neighboring countries poses a challenge for the home country to help support the refugees. In addition to these countries providing shelter and relief, the United States is playing a major role in the humanitarian aid sector of this crisis.  

In 2018, the vice president of the United States, Michael R. Pence announced more than $48 million in additional U.S. Government funding to support Venezuela regional crisis humanitarian response activities.  This funding is distributed to many areas, including the many countries experiencing a secondary impact from the crisis in Venezuela. A significant amount of aid is delivered to Colombia, as it shares a border with Venezuela, to improve the health and nutrition of the individuals who fled Venezuela, and support those in Colombia who were vulnerable to the situation in Venezuela  (Venezuela Regional Crisis). Additionally under this umbrella of funding is the amount that goes toward supporting NGOs, the organizations who are providing humanitarian assistance to Venezuelans in the country, and to surrounding countries that they have escaped to. Specifically, UNICEF has been given large donations to maintain educational systems that will support the influx of children into the country.  It is important that the educational systems are able to facilitate the children refugees so that they have an equal educational opportunity and do not become dormant to the unfortunate unrest in their home country.

In addition to welcoming Venezuelan citizens, local NGOs in Colombia are helping concurrently with the United States to provide relief to those who have escaped to Colombia, yet still reside without basic necessities. This aid generally includes basic first aid, blankets, food, and personal hygiene supplies. Additionally, these NGOs are helping to facilitate the migration from Venezuela to Colombia. Aside from the basic needs of the Venezuelans, aid relief organizations are implementing procedures to acclimate refugees to a new society.  Especially interesting, is the implementation of a livelihood improvement program, which provides activities for those in need to develop and implement business plans to promote a source of income for these individuals. To me, this is an extremely beneficial addition to the basic humanitarian aid,  as it guides the affected individuals in  becoming a valued member of society, through assisting them to their ability to provide for themselves (Venezuela Regional Crisis).

It is manipulative of the Venezuelan president when he declares that nothing is wrong, in an attempt to conceal issues to keep out foreign intervention.  To the people, he will not admit the full tragedy occurring and his rejection of many outreaches of humanitarian aid. A government lying to its citizens, when it is clear there is something wrong, is one large mistake that will eventually spark an uprising against the power holder (Kyrgier).  As a developed country, experienced in supporting lesser developed countries in similar situations, the United States has been compelled to support the people being lied to in Venezuela and “establish concrete steps” and “clear actions” for change (Rampton). It is important to note that leaders in the United States, such as Trump and Pence, are supporting and helping to “empower” the opposition leader in Venezuela, Juan Gaudio, which is an effective approach in entering the situation.  Many times, foreign intervention is forced, and there is no compliance with the people in the affected country, creating a negative image of the global northerners (SOC 376: 2/11).

To conclude, the humanitarian crisis in the South American country, Venezuela, has been growing for years, with declines in several sectors such as the economy and the health and wellbeing of people.  The leader in opposition to this powerful regime, whom Trump refers to as the interim president, Juan Gaudio, is supporting the people of Venezuela to fight for liberation from Maduro. The policies of Maduro have gotten out of hand, resulting in locals unable to access basic needs for living, which is almost as bad as the government taking away the people’s basic rights.  Moving forward, citizens can leave the state of crisis and create a new life in the neighboring countries, like many have done, however it has been recognized that this begins to create societal challenges for the mothering countries. So, it is crucial to look at what can be done to resolve the situations for the long run, as permanent relocation is still avoiding the main issue. With the assistance of leading world powers, such as the United States, and it’s strategic relationships with the bordering countries of Venezuela, refugees can continue to be properly situated and supported, while the Maduro regime can be tackled, and eventually have a country to rebuild with proper planning and assistance (Restrepo).

Visually, how big the crisis is:

 

 

Works Cited:

 

“Humanitarian Overview: An Analysis of Key Crises into 2018”. https://www.acaps.org/sites/acaps/files/products/files/acaps_humanitarian_overview_analysis_of_key_crises_into_2018.pdf

 

Krygier, Rachelle. “A humanitarian crisis in Venezuela? Nothing to see here, government says”. Washington Post. Oct.13, 2018. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/a-humanitarian-crisis-in-venezuela-nothing-to-see-here-government-says/2018/10/12/6ebd1aa6-c2ac-11e8-9451-e878f96be19b_story.html?noredirect=on&utm_term=.4c8b0a21ac31

 

Rampton, Roberta. “U.S. to Announce ‘Concrete Steps’ for Venezuela Crisis on Monday: Official”. USNews. Feb. 24, 2019.

https://www.usnews.com/news/world/articles/2019-02-24/pence-to-announce-concrete-steps-for-venezuela-on-monday-official

 

Restrepo, Dan. “Venezuela in Crisis: A Way Forward”. Center For American Progress. Oct. 16, 2018. https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/security/reports/2018/10/16/459352/venezuela-crisis-way-forward/

 

SOC 376: “Being/Becoming a Global Citizen” (SOC 376: 2/11)

“Venezuela Regional Crisis”. USAID. Feb 22, 2019.  https://www.usaid.gov/crisis/venezuela-regional

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A4: The Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria

“We have a humanitarian crisis which is disregarded by International communities and in which nobody takes an interest, if it wasn’t for the role of Boko Haram.”

The humanitarian crisis in Nigeria is one that does not have a clear start date. Prior to the rise of Boko Haram, a militant Islamist group, UN agencies in Nigeria were focused on long term developmental programs affecting health, agriculture, and infrastructure. For years, the international community has attempted to rally among providing aid. However, it is clear now that the response to the crisis was slow and out of touch of the needs of the people (McIlreavy & Schopp).

Violence in northern Nigeria has flared up here and there for the past 30 years. Much of this violence can be attributed to Boko Haram, which is translated to “Western education is sin” and aims to establish a fully Islamic state in Nigeria, (Burt). This group has adopted target assassinations, suicide bombings, and hostage takings as their methods of violence and terror on the nation (Burt).  The Nigerian government is not strong and equipped enough to take down this group and it is unable to protect civilians from organized killings. Over the past few years, Boko Haram has extended its influence beyond the country’s borders, leading to a severe refugee crisis. Prior to and after the election of their new President in 2015, the Nigerian government seemed adamant about not recognizing the severity of the refugee crisis on their hands, (McIlreavy & Schopp). Their objective was to eradicate Boko Haram from the north-east, and was promised in the campaign of the new president, but the capacity and services of the government were overwhelmed which was largely due to a lack of funding and reluctance to partner with humanitarian organizations. They believed that help was not needed and were suspicious of international NGOs, (McIlreavy & Schopp).

The NGO sector and the UN were slow at building a humanitarian aid capacity in the country. Like the government, the severity of the situation was severely understated. Well into 2014, the UN did not react to the inaction of the Nigerian government or other key players, which only extended the problem. As a society, we do have the responsibility to protect and are charged with protecting populations from genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity (SOC376: 2/18). What the UN should have been doing was signaling this crisis to donors, embassies, and national and international partners, (McIlreavy & Schopp). Its inaction is one of the many factors contributing to this crisis.

“Thousands of displaced people are received in refugee camps, of which most lack basic necessities: no water, no sanitary services” (Notari).

The humanitarian crisis in Nigeria has taken many forms. As stated in the quote above, civilians have endured the brunt of this crisis. An estimated 1.7 million people remain internally displaced, especially in areas in which humanitarian aid cannot reach them due to the attacks from Boko Haram, (Naili). Many people have fled to neighboring countries including Cameroon, Niger, and Chad. The ongoing internal crises including minimal access to food, water, and health care has only made the possibility of return more difficult, (Naili). There have been projects implemented to facilitate returns, but this is still one of the most severe crises in the world. The media has largely over looked this crisis. The #BringBackOurGirls campaign back in 2014 received did receive spotlight, but the “girls who remain in captivity is a minuscule representation of the millions of Nigerians who now face starvation across the north-east as a result of Boko Haram violence, (Kingsley).

There have been many key INGOs who have responded to the crisis including CARE, IRC, and ECHO. NGOs like ACTED are assisting the vulnerable people of Nigeria by distributing food and water and by providing health and protection services with the support of UNHCR. ACTED teams are at the heart of the crisis and witness the crises and struggling people on a daily basis, (“The Nigerian Refugee Crisis).

I can’t help but read about this and think back to the Kony 2012 video that went viral. For some time, people rallied around the cause and demanded justice. However, like most news stories do, this story came and went and people moved on. The #BringBackOurGirls campaign back in 2014 is no different. People saw it, reacted, demanded justice, and then moved onto the next news topic. Like the above quote stated, it is a minuscule reflection of the greater problem taking place that doesn’t get media attention as it should. As Teju Cole explained, what Africa needs more than Kony’s indictment is “more equitable civil society, more robust democracy, and a fairer system of justice,” (Cole).

 

This video discusses the thousands of people who are trying to return to Nigeria after attempting to flee to Europe.

 

 

“The Nigerian Refugee Crisis.” Relief Web, 1 June 2015, reliefweb.int/report/niger/nigerian-refugee-crisis.

Burt, Brianna. “The Crisis in Nigeria.” Responsibility to Protect, www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/index.php/crises/crisis-in-nigeria.

Cole, Teju. “The White-Savior Industrial Complex.” The Atlantic, 21   Mar. 2012.

Kingsley, Patrick. “The Small African Region with More Refugees than All of Europe.” The Guardian, 26 Nov. 2016, www.theguardian.com/world/2016/nov/26/boko-haram-nigeria-famine-hunger-displacement-refugees-climate-change-lake-chad.

McIlreavy, Patricia, and Julien Schopp. “A Collective Shame: the Response to the Humanitarian Crisis in North-Eastern Nigeria.” Humanitarian Practice Network, Oct. 2017, odihpn.org/magazine/a-collective-shame-the-response-to-the-humanitarian-crisis-in-north-eastern-nigeria/.

Naili, Hajer. “What You Should Know about the Humanitarian Crisis in North-East Nigeria.” Norwegian Refugee Council, 21 June 2018, www.nrc.no/news/2018/june/what-you-should-know-about-the-humanitarian-crisis-in-north-east-nigeria/.

Notari, Ambra. “The Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria.” Cooperazione Internazionale, 25 July 2016, www.coopi.org/en/the-humanitarian-crisis-in-nigeria-2682.html.

 

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