The concept of global citizenship, or of some sort of attachment to humanity as a whole beyond traditional identities, is the death of civilization.
A citizen is defined in opposition to something. The concept is wholly Western in its origin, beginning amongst the polis of Ancient Greece, when all levels of society were in danger of being eradicated or enslaved by warfare. The Athenians themselves, as much as they are lauded for being the founders of a classical civilization to a certain extent, and for creating “democracy” apparently, were great advocates of the violent methods of subjugation and eradication of foreign peoples. During the Peloponnesian War, in which the Athenian-controlled Delian League faced off against the Spartan-led Peloponnesian League, multiple cities were destroyed (some down to the last child) by both sides. After an eventual Spartan victory, Athens was placed under a puppet government.
In this war we see two opposing concepts of what society should be like, fought for vociferously by combatants, tied in with strategic geopolitical interests as well. Citizens fought to avoid being slaves or to mark their differentiation from slaves. But they fought for their city, their polis. They were presented in opposition to another concept and another geopolitical force.
Similarly the concept evolved under the Roman Republic and then Empire, where being a citizen showed that you had an active participation within the social and political sphere, that you contributed in a major way, and you were rewarded with privileges. Similarly there were many slaves and non-citizen freedmen in Rome who did not have these privileges. Rome also presented itself in opposition to disorder as a concept, not having any major political rival-states in its period of dominance. The very concept of anti-order was anti-Roman and Rome’s universal call to domination, imperium without end, it claimed was the mission of its unique people, and that all should seek to be a part of it, or be forced into it. Rome had an exclusionary concept of their own citizenship too, because they picked up the Greek concept of barbaroi, making them the embodiment of disorder. To the Romans, not having whatever they judged as necessary for a people to posses “culture and tradition” meant that you were unworthy of citizenship.
As Rome fell and was replaced by warring kingdoms the idea of citizenship became limited in its role to the simple belonging to civic societies in urban settings. This was supplemented by the feudal order which operated through the concept of privilege by birthright and not by public duty, though that concept was still present in many religious respects. With the birth of the nation-state in the Renaissance and the Early Modern Period, citizenship became associated with nationhood. Nationalism demanded all members of nations be active participants in their society to build a better future for nations, and so all members should be citizens of their nations. The concept of citizenship was then attached thoroughly to the differentiable nation-states of Europe and the world (we are primarily discussing this Western concept), nation-states which opposed each other fiercely on the world stage, in competition for ideals and for geopolitical interests, like the polis of antiquity.
Today we are told that despite the resurgence of identity-based nationalism in Europe, nations will cease to be important to the average human, and that the general international reliance of nations upon each other, primarily might it be emphasized for commercial and economic reasons, will mean the advent of a class of person known as the global citizen will emerge.
If, as many scholars claim, the nation is an “imagined community” based on a constructed identity rather than the communities that individuals can construct themselves through social interaction with their neighbors and friend, then surely the “globe”, the concept of humanity as an identity, is even more constructed and artificial. The people of the earth share no common language, culture, or religious tradition. They share no common history of struggles against an external enemy or internal ones, they share no concept of their own identity as members of the same species beyond the purely taxonomic.
However.
The concept of global citizenship exists, and obviously a certain amount of people have sincerely attached themselves to it. Let us look at the example of the “Africa for Norway” people, who in the desire to show their appreciation for a sense of global belonging, have gathered resources to help Norwegians struggling with harsh winter. The whole project has the potential to make one incredibly uneasy, as Norway has one of the richest societies on earth, and the majority of African countries, well… not so much. The dynamic is not equal, and the illusion that the organizers of “Africa for Norway” seem to suffer from is that it is. the fact is that the people who can afford to be global citizens and who can afford to entertain these ideas for the groups of people they are responsible for, are a certain class of elites in the West primarily, but also-Western educated and Western-influenced non-Westerners. Such as certain Africans. These are the people who will be global citizens because they are the ones participating in the globalist structure, which as mentioned is primarily economic, but also cultural to some degree under the influence of economic factors: consumer culture, commercialization of culture, and internet-based culture are all byproducts of this economic globalism. They are the products and targets of globalization and its culture, they are the wealthy members of the West.
Not exclusively Westerners though, but Westerns are as a product of their recent intellectual history receptive to anti-nationalist concepts and have lived under the effects of economic and cultural globalization for longer than the rest of the world. And since they are overall wealthier than the rest of the world, they have the luxury of entertaining the idea that they are connected somehow to a farmer in Bangladesh.
As in the ancient Greek polis, and as in the Roman concept of imperium, there has to be an oppositional structure to counter globalization and the heralds of its arrival. These are anti-globalists, nationalists, or just people unreceptive to those concepts. Primarily these will be people who do not live in urban environments and are not in higher-levels of education and whose livelihoods are hurt by or non-dependent on globalization. Farmers in France for example, whose industry has been suffering for years as a result of E.U.-imposed agricultural policies fail to protect them. And why should they in Europeist logic, or globalist logic? The citizens of globalization won’t be every man and woman in the human race, because a global society will be unlike a nation-state, and more like an ancient society in how we judge the worth of the participants. The educated and wealthy classes will place themselves in a sort of opposition to the “lower orders” so to speak. Stateless society will be class-based society.
This is all to some degree an entirely speculative approach to the problems of globalization, though much of it is based on current perceptions of myself, a person who is a member of the “global citizen” class. I believe that in courses such as this which cover globalization, not enough attention is payed to the catastrophic consequences which may result from an event and a series of events as profoundly transformative as globalism. Idealism should not cloud cynical analyses of processes which aren’t idealistic in their behavior.
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“Africa for Norway – News Collection.” YouTube. YouTube, 05 Dec. 2012. Web. 29 June 2013. <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7l17zUTOtkY>.
Anderson, Benedict R. O’G. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 1991.
Davies, Ian, Mark Evans, and Alan Reid. “Globalising Citizenship Education? A Critique Of ‘Global Education’ And ‘Citizenship Education’.” British Journal of Educational Studies 53.1 (2005): 66-89.
Mittelman, James H. The Globalization Syndrome: Transformation and Resistance. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 2000.
Munck, R. “Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict: Class, State, and Nation in the Age of Globalization.” Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 35.2 (2006): 168.