You’re sitting down on the couch watching the news. A story about the civil war in Syria flashes onto your television screen. In a grave tone, the reporter says that the death toll rests at over 93,000 and the United Nations just launched an appeal to the world, asking for five billion dollars for humanitarian aid to Syrian refugees (BBC). My heart, like yours, breaks for the Syrian people as their country is torn apart by violence that has been going on since 2011 with the Arab spring uprising against President Bashar Al-Assad. You want to do something, anything and want the leaders of our world to take action. But is five billion dollars in humanitarian aid really the answer to the problems in Syria?
My definitive answer to this question is no. Enormous sums of money will not help alleviate the suffering in Syria. The system of aid that in place today is so flawed that it would only serve to worsen or perpetuate conditions for those in humanitarian crises or establish an unequal system of dependency upon the providers of aid.
In the past, the United Nations and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have responded to humanitarian crises similar to the one unfolding in Syria and the results have been disastrous. For instance, “…on 6 April 1994, the genocide by extremist Rwandan Hutus of their Tutsi fellow citizens began… In the space of three months 800,000 Rwandan Tutsis and moderate Hutus were slaughtered by their extremist Hutu compatriots” (Polman 16). The Hutu army and extremist Hutu citizen militias that had perpetrated the killings against their fellow countrymen then fled the country, running from a Ugandan Tutsi army and were given refuge by the United Nations and NGOs in Goma, a bordering city in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
In the camp, the Hutus gained strength from food and medicine provided to them by the aid community that flocked to the refugee camps. Reinvigorated by the provision of aid, members of the Hutu military and militias then continued their killing sprees. The Hutus received overwhelmingly sympathetic press coverage as a “PR war between aid organizations” (Polman 20) broke out as they stole an estimated “60% of all aid supplies being distributed, partly for their own use, partly to sell back to civilians in the camps” (28). The aid organizations chose to hide these statistics as best they could to prevent loss of donations and this continued for two years. This situation embodies much of what is wrong with our system of humanitarian aid today. The preservation of neutrality took precedence over justice, the jockeying by aid organizations to maintain the attention of the press for donations, the perpetuation of a crisis by the provision of aid, the skimming of resources by corrupt individuals who use it for personal gain. Lastly, the entire aid community failed to listen to the perceptions of the native Rwandans, Tutsi or Hutu, and as a result failed to provide aid in a way that effectively and efficiently solved the crisis.
This is not the only example of such an instance of how our system of aid has failed those in need. The examples go on and on; Haiti, Sierra Leone, Cambodia, the list never ends.
Before the next big famine or refugee crisis, we as a community of global citizens need to begin the call for a reform of humanitarian aid. At the present, there exist few measures that maintain the accountability of aid organizations. Whether they are multi-lateral bodies like the United Nations or small, homegrown organizations called “My Own NGOs,” or “MONGOs,” there are no enforceable rules and few efforts to truthfully assess effectiveness of past projects. Today, there is far too much “…general cultural insensitivity, poor accountability and bad technique among humanitarian agencies” (Donini 186) and I believe it is preventable.
First and foremost, the press needs to begin holding aid organizations accountable to the general public financially, politically and ethically. The media can no longer pander to the organizations to gain access to situations that will guarantee viewership and should instead them to the same standard they do businesses, politicians, etc. This will allow an improved method of informing citizens, which will enable an even higher level of accountability to take root. Second, aid organizations need to develop a stronger sense of collectivism and community in the recognition that many, if not all, are fighting for the same thing: the betterment of circumstances for mankind everywhere. This will ensure a more efficient distribution of financial resources and will prevent the loss of aid money to corrupt bodies in the form of taxes, levies or theft. Third, the international community needs to create a standard, critical procedure by which aid organizations can measure effectiveness and native perception of crises efforts and allow this to dictate action in country. This will guarantee a continual trajectory of improvement towards the creation of a better aid system and increased accountability.
The people of Syria deserve better than the system of aid that was present in Goma. They deserve a humanitarian response that will empower them to perhaps find a solution to the violence and that will, most of all, do them no harm. It is now our responsibility, as global citizens, to make our voices heard and issue a collective call for the measures above, so that we can be the generation that ushers in a system of humanitarian aid that truly does no harm.
Works Cited:
Donini, Antonio. “Humanitarianism, Perceptions, Power.” In the Eyes of Others: How People in Crises Perceive Humanitarian Aid. Doctors without Borders, n.d. Web. 20 June 2013.
Polman, Linda. War Games: The Story of Aid and War in Modern times. London: Penguin, 2011. Print.
“Syria Crisis: UN Launches Largest Ever Aid Appeal.” BBC News. BBC, 06 July 2013. Web. 20 June 2013. <http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-22813207>.